It would be a mistake to believe that the Communists only appealed to the peasantry. Urban youths flocked to Yan′an, dismayed about Nationalist corruption, oppression, and weakness and hopeful about the possibilities of a new era under communism. They learned about this in their schools and universities from CCP members and sympathizers and by reading authors such as Lu Xun, Guo Moruo, Tian Han, and Mao Dun, as well as Edgar Snow′s Red Star over China, translated into Chinese in 1938. The united front allowed the Communists to operate across China, and hence to distribute party newspapers and journals such as the New China Daily. Liaison offices of the Eighth Route Army in Chongqing and Xi′an became important hubs of activity, maintaining contacts with local sympathizers while also directing covert operations and gathering intelligence. Wartime conditions also provided the CCP with political opportunities. It participated in the Political Consultative Conference, using it as a platform form which to criticize the Nationalists, demand political reform, and gain allies among national elites.
如果认为只有农民想要成为共产党员,那你就大错特错了。由于对国民党的腐败,压迫和软弱深感绝望,大批城市青年涌入延安,希望在在共产主义的带领下能够创造一个新的纪元。他们获得这一知识主要有两个途径:一在学校和大学里,向共产党员和共产党的同情者学习;二阅读鲁迅,郭沫若,田汉,矛盾等作者编写的书籍以及阅读1938年汉译版埃德加•斯诺的《红星照耀中国》。前线的统一使得共产党能够在全中国开展活动,因而能够宣传党刊党报如《新中国日报》等。设立在重庆与西安的八路军联络处成为了重要的活动中心,进行着与当地共产党同情派保持联络,指导地下活动,收集情报等工作。战争环境也为中国共产党提供了良好的政治机遇。中产党参与政治协商会议并以此作为平台批判国民党,要求政治改革,与国内的精英人士结成同盟。
‘Mountaintop –ism′, that is, the splintering of the CCP, was a problem the CCP had to control. Well aware of this danger, which after the Long March had even led to the emergence of two competing Central Committees, and of the problems resulting from rapid expansion, Mao Zedong was determined to centralize power and instil into its ranks a common revolutionary vision. He did not want a series of base areas each following its own policies and with leaders concerned with their own region and merely aiming at survival. At a time of war, that would be understandable, but would also weaken the appeal of the CCP′s promise of a better future through revolution, an appeal that surely was important to its success.
“山顶主义”即共产党内部的分裂主义是党亟待解决的问题。我们深知分裂主义的危害,长征以后分裂主义甚至致使出现两个相互竞争的中央委员会的局面。针对分裂主义扩张带来的一系列问题,毛泽东下定决心集中全力,向分裂的各派灌输一个共同的革命目标。毛浙东不希望各根据地各自为政,只求温饱,领导人各扫门前雪。这种做法在战争年代可以理解,但势必会减少共产党展通过革命建立一个更好未来这一承诺对群众的吸引力,这种吸引力对革命的成败至关重要。
Taking his cue from Stalin′s approach to unifying the Soviet Communist Party, incuding his determination to instil a common understanding of its history, in 1942 Mao launched the Rectification Campaign. That began at the top of the CCP, with the leadership asked to study texts by Mao and Stalin as well as a selection of CCP documents, selected to illustrate the erroneous policies of previous CCP leaders and the correct Maoist version of events. In meetings, participants were required to write self-criticisms in which they critiqued their past errors. This process was replicated throughout the CCP, working from the top downward. Although torture and executions occurred, the Rectification Movement was much less brutal than its predecessor of the early 1930s and its post-1949 successors. Mao used the Rectification Campaign to humiliate his enemies ruthlessly and to force even his supporters to submit fully to his authority. It left the CCP with one clear leader, a unified senior leadership, and a tightly organized and disciplined party, which controlled the armed forces through its system of military commissars, subject to party discipline, that went down to the platoon level.
毛浙东学习斯大林联合苏维埃共产党经验,下定决心在全党建立统一的党史认识。1942年,他发动了整风运动。整风运动首先在共产党高层展开,要求领导人学习毛浙东,斯大林编写文件以及一些共产党文件选集,挑选这些文章旨在揭露党领导人先前所犯的政策失误,彰显毛浙东对时政的正确理解。会议上,要求与会者写检查报告,反省过去犯下的错误。这一过程由上而下在全党内执行。 整风过程中虽有严刑处决,但较之1930以前和1949年以后的整风可算相对温和的了。毛泽东利用整风运动无情的羞辱他的敌人,强迫其它党员甚至其拥护者完全臣服其权威之下。这一举措使得共产党内只有一个明确的领导者,一个统一的高层领导。使得共产党成为一个有组织有纪律的党并通过设立军事委员由上到下(下至排级)服从党纪这一体系来控制武装力量。
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